In my post on the return of the Papacy from Avignon to Rome in 1376, I told the story around three rather extraordinary characters: Saint Catherine of Siena, the Spanish Cardinal Gil Àlvarez Carrillo de Albornoz, and the English mercenary leader Sir John Hawkwood. In passing I mentioned a fourth larger-than-life personality known as Cola di Rienzo, and undertook to write a separate article on him if I could assemble enough photographs. So here goes.
Rome During the Avignon Period
Histories talk a lot about what things were like in Avignon when the Papacy was there, because that’s where the action was. But what about back in Rome? Things were pretty bad there, actually. The city had descended into an anarchy in which powerful families like the Colonna and the Orsini fought each other, controlling their districts in the city and retreating to their castles in the towns outside Rome when they needed to. Violent crime was rife, not just fighting between the partisans of the great families, but with cutthroats lurking in the streets and bandits in the countryside. Bodies were fished out of the Tiber on a daily basis, and pilgrims visited Rome at their great peril.
Such pilgrims, and the Romans themselves, were surrounded by the pathetic remains of antiquity – once the centre of the civilised world, the ancient Forum was now known as the “cow pasture”, and the ruins therein were half-buried, thanks to the failure of ancient drainage systems and the innumerable floodings that had taken place. To thoughtful Romans, a constant reminder of the decline of Rome since antiquity must have been the fact that inside the Aurelian walls, built when Rome was close to its largest extent, much of the former urban area was now woodland, wasteland or pasture, with the inhabited zone shrunk to the area between the Capitoline Hill and the Vatican.
Young Cola
One such thoughtful Roman was a young man called Nicola Gabrini, known to history as Cola di Rienzo (or de Rienzi). Various stories surround his birth and his early life, the less plausible, such as him being the bastard son of the Holy Roman Emperor, being his own inventions. It seems instead that he was probably the son of an innkeeper and a washerwoman. You can still see the house in which, by tradition, he was born about 1313 and grew up.
The “Casa di Rienzo” is beside the Tiber, just downstream of the Tiber Island, and close to the Temple of Hercules Victor and the so-called Bocca della Verità in front of the Church of Santa Maria in Cosmedin.
It isn’t true though. It is not Rienzo’s house, although it is fascinating in its own right. Built sometime after 1040 and correctly known as the House of the Crescenzi, it controlled the ancient watermills on the river, and served as a tollbooth for a nearby bridge. But I have read that Cola probably came from somewhere nearby, so I decided to walk from there to the Capitoline Hill and the Forum, something that he himself must have done himself many times as he mused on past glories.
Because despite his humble origins, the young Cola somehow got himself at least a partial education, and immersed himself in the idea of Ancient Rome as the most powerful and civilised place in the world – a sad contrast to its contemporary degradation.
He became known as an enthusiastic amateur antiquarian, prone to wandering about the ancient ruins that lay everywhere about, and practising what turned out to be a powerful gift for oratory on passers-by. But just as formative was the death of his younger brother, murdered by a member of one of the feuding noble families. This tragedy engendered in Cola a deep hatred for those families, and – not unreasonably – a conviction that it was their power that was the cause of Rome’s woes.
With the benefit of his education he became a notary, and around 1342 he was sent on a mission to Avignon to plead with the newly-elected Pope Clement VI to return to Rome. The mission was unsuccessful, but his eloquent description of the suffering of the Roman people impressed the Pope who, while declining the invitation to return, expressed sympathy and promised to visit (I don’t believe he ever did). He also undertook to make 1350 a holy year, with the promise of an increase in pilgrims and the associated income.
In what was to become a characteristic display of narcissism, Cola reported this back to Rome as an immense victory, for which he alone was responsible.
Seizing Power
Returning to Rome, his behaviour became increasingly flamboyant. He would make public orations dressed in a toga, and organised a campaign of anti-aristocratic graffiti. The noble families made the mistake of treating him as a harmless eccentric, and would invite him to dinner to hear his ranting speeches. Then one day in 1347, when the Colonna and other nobles were out of town, he put on a suit of armour and marched to the Capitoline Hill with his followers, where he announced that he was taking power with the title of “Tribune and Liberator of the Holy Roman Republic”, and that he would exact harsh justice on criminals and enemies of the Roman people. These and other edicts were endorsed by popular acclaim. The Colonna tried to take back control, but instead had to flee for their lives.
At first things went well. Each district of Rome raised its own militia to keep the peace. Violence and banditry ceased and commerce and agriculture thrived. Corruption was punished. Cola himself rode around Rome dressed in brightly-coloured silk costumes of his own design, with a banner carrying his (fake) coat of arms inscribed on it. He summoned the noble families to the Capitol to pay homage, which they did.
Not content with having restored, as he saw it, the ancient Roman Republic, he started on the restoration of the Empire. Emissaries were sent to all the major Italian cities inviting them to send representatives to a national parliament in Rome. It says something for his reputation that he received respectful replies and twenty-five cities undertook to send delegations. He also received encouraging replies from the Pope and the poet Petrarch in Avignon.
Then it all started to go wrong. Cola was becoming visibly afflicted with not just imperial but messianic delusions. The night before the opening of the national parliament, he decided to make himself a knight, spending the time in vigil in the Baptistery of St John Lateran, where he immersed himself in the great granite font in which by (inaccurate) tradition, the Emperor Constantine had been baptised.
Emerging the next day he proclaimed himself “Candidate of the Holy Spirit, the Knight Nicholas, the Severe and Clement, the Zealot for Italy, the Friend of the World, the Tribune Augustus”. He went on to announce that Rome once again had jurisdiction over the rest of the world, and that he and the Pope would decide who could be Holy Roman Emperor. Needless to say this went a fair way beyond the sort of loose federation the other Italian cities had in mind, and they quickly lost interest.
Even more dangerously, Cola demanded that the Papacy should renounce its temporal power and its Italian territories. Alarmed, the Pope quickly repudiated him and opened negotiations with the Roman nobility. Even those who supported Cola’s vision of the restored imperium of Rome started to doubt whether someone so obviously deranged could pull it off.
Now wearing imperial regalia, Cola brushed off the papal legate sent from Avignon and in a battle which originally looked to have gone the nobles’ way, his popular forces prevailed. But it had been noticed that during the battle he himself had shown distinct cowardice, which lost him much support. Then the Pope issued a bull instructing the Roman people to depose him – with the implication that if not, the announced Holy Year, with all its profits, would not go ahead. Cola decided to abdicate, and left the city. The papal legate took possession of Rome in the name of the Pope, and declared that the Holy Year would go ahead as planned.
Accompanied only by his fantastic dreams, Rienzo wandered slowly north, staying with remote hermit communities on the way. Eventually he ended up at the court of Charles IV, King of Bohemia, to whom he proposed that Charles would become Holy Roman Emperor while he would be Duke of Rome. Understandably dubious, Charles referred to the Pope, who instructed the Archbishop of Prague to put Rienzo under arrest for heresy and send him to Avignon.
Things would have gone very badly indeed for Cola there had Pope Clement not died soon after his arrival, but Clement’s replacement, Innocent VI, looked more favourably on his strange prisoner. Cardinal Albornoz, whom we met in my earlier post, had recently been given the job of subduing the independently-minded Italian cities, and Innocent thought that Cola might be able to assist him with Roman hearts and minds. So his sentence of excommunication was lifted, and he was released to return to Rome, seven years after having fled.
Initially he was welcomed back, but he behaved as a tyrant rather than a liberator, raising money with arbitrary taxation and even taking wealthy people prisoner for ransom. It was not long before an ugly mob gathered in front of the palace on the Capitol, shouting for his death. Failing to calm them by appearing on a balcony, Cola lost his nerve. He cut off his beard, put on an old cloak and attempted to slip away through the crowd, occasionally shouting “death to the tyrant!” for verisimilitude. But he was recognised by his gold rings and bracelets, dragged to the bottom of the steps, and, after an agonising interval, run through with a sword. His body was dragged away and hung up by the heels.
It would be five hundred years before anyone else talked about uniting Italy.
Cola in the 19th and 20th Centuries
Cola di Rienzo’s tragic – or tragi-comic – story might have ended up as something of interest only to scholars of medieval history, but in the 19th Century it came to more general public attention. Italian patriots, not unnaturally, saw him as an early member of their brotherhood. Elsewhere, Italian aspirations to unification and freedom from foreign rule were supported by Italophile liberal opinion in several countries, particularly Britain, and in 1835 the prolific Victorian novelist Edward Bulwer-Lytton published Rienzi, The Last of the Roman Tribunes (Rienzi was a common alternative name for Rienzo). In this novel Bulwer-Lytton takes the framework of Cola’s story and hangs on it a tale of love, betrayal and intrigue in his famously prolix language. (It was Bulwer-Lytton, of course, who started one of his novels with ”It was a dark and stormy night…”)
Apparently Verdi contemplated an opera based on Bulwer-Lytton’s novel, but Richard Wagner got to it first, with a much-simplified version of Bulwer-Lytton’s complicated plot. Wagner’s Rienzi is a somewhat Lohengrin-like heroic knight, most unlike the original Cola. That Rienzi is seldom heard today may be due to the fact that the music is a bit turgid even by Wagnerian standards, but probably more so because it was Hitler’s favourite opera, during a performance of which Hitler later claimed to have formed the ambition to unite the German-speaking peoples. The overture was played before Nazi rallies, and Hitler possessed a manuscript copy of the score.
When it comes to fascist dictators though, it is Benito Mussolini who is now most often compared to Cola di Rienzo. The parallels are inescapable – the fantasies of restoring ancient glory, the bombastic speeches, the dressing up, and the contrast between violent policy and personal timidity. In the 1920s as in the 1340s, people thought the funny costumes and the oratory were a bit strange, but at least he made the trains run on time (or the 14th-Century equivalent thereof).
But most of all, people were struck by the initial popular adulation and general admiration, followed by the fall, the attempted return, and then both ending with their corpses strung up by the heels by the mob.
It is an object lesson in historiographical fashion. Poor old Cola was rediscovered by history as a noble hero (a description with which he would have heartily agreed), then within a few generations his story was rewritten to make him a strutting deluded buffoon – all because of things that happened hundreds of years after he died.
The medieval palace at the top of the Capitoline Hill from which he harangued the crowds, and from which he then made his ill-fated attempt to flee, was knocked down in the Renaissance and replaced by the present building, designed by Michelangelo.
If you walk up the long stairs to the Capitoline Hill, at the foot of which Cola met his end, about halfway up on the left you will see a statue of a hooded figure, standing on a plinth made of recycled ancient marble, holding out his arm in a declamatory gesture. Most people – like me at first – pass it without noticing. But if you look at the base of the statue you will see the words “Cola Dei Rienzi”. The statue is clearly of the young idealistic Cola rather than the older, sadder, one.
It seems that the statue was commissioned to mark the 25th anniversary of the capture of Rome from the Papacy by the Italian Army, but once it was ready the government had second thoughts. Worried that it would upset Pope Pius IX, who as we saw in this post refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the Italian state, they pondered what to do about it. After various locations were considered and rejected, the statue was erected discreetly and without ceremony beside the steps to the Campidoglio, in 1887.
Further Reading
Most modern histories of Rome deal with Cola di Rienzo. One of the more complete versions is in Rome, the Biography of a City by Christopher Hibbert, 1985 (I have the beautifully printed and bound Folio Society edition from 1997).
One of the more interesting treatments is in A Traveller in Rome by H.V. Morton (1957). Morton travelled to Rome in 1930 for the wedding of King Umberto to Princess Marie of Belgium. Mussolini was Prime Minister and Morton had the chance to observe him from close up. He was struck by Mussolini’s theatricality, describing him as striding grimly into the wedding chapel “with an air of calculated ferocity”. Writing only a dozen years after the macabre historical re-enactment that was Mussolini’s death at the hands of communist partisans, Morton draws explicit parallels between the two men, and sees their strengths as well as their weaknesses. He also thinks that the statue by the Campidoglio steps is a rather grudging tribute from the city of Rome to someone who so earnestly desired to restore its former greatness.